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The role of religion in the migration of Vietnamese refugees

Introduction

The Chinese have ruled Vietnam for a long time. Even after it became an independent nation, it continued to model its institutions after those seen in China. This Sino-Vietnamese practice persisted until French colonialism in the twentieth century when the country was upgraded. Despite these changes, the Chinese culture seems to have affected the worldview and family lives of many Vietnamese. Taoism and Buddhism, a mixture of Confucianism, Taoism known as Tam Giao in Vietnamese, is the dominant religious philosophy and theology in Vietnam, including traditional China (“Three Teachings”). Confucianism is a social ethics theory named after the Confucian Chinese philosopher Confucius (551-479 BCE). It instills solid morals and the importance of maintaining harmony at all levels of society, including the state, village, family, and individuals. Confucianism is described through the love or worship of ancestors, passed on to children through respectful behavior. Most Vietnamese households create a permanent or temporary altar with fruit, wine, and flowers with portraits of deceased relatives during the lunar New Year and the death anniversary of male ancestors (Bankston 36-53). The family gathers for a communal meal after everybody has prostrated before the altar. Ancestral worship is based on the fact that the family remains together until death. It is believed that an individual’s deceased parents and ancestors are family members. They would grant their lineage protection if they are honored and prayed for.

Lao Tzu, a Chinese philosopher who lived in the sixth century BCE and established Taoism, is credited as a cosmologist. It teaches that for the universe to work correctly, two fundamental ideals must be matched. The duong is violent, humid, and light, while the âm (Yin) is quiet, dark, and inert. Food, which strikes a balance between “cool” and “hot” cooking and conventional Chinese-Vietnamese medicine, follows Taoist harmony principles in everyday life. Astrology’s geomancy and Taoism’s Feng Shui are often mentioned.

Confucianism takes priority since it is fundamental to Vietnamese family and cultural values, and all three aspects of Tam Giao are inextricably intertwined and influenced over time. This means that those who practice Confucian ethics, respect their ancestry, and revere their ancestors would not be chastised whether they believe in supernatural powers, religious views, or a belief in existence after death. This helps explain why the 10% of Vietnamese Catholics see a slight conflict between Christian morality and Confucian teaching and why Communist officials worship war heroes or the late President Hô Chi Minh regularly (Phan 19-35).

Religious vehicles in the Vietnam Migration

In Buddhism, was used for maintaining doctrine was commonly used. It entailed monitoring doctrinal examinations and clergy ordinations to exercise legislative jurisdiction over a Buddhist priesthood structure and duration. It consisted of restricting the number of temples that could be built and the amount of land given away. Taoist priests were not well-coordinated or dedicated to this mode of power. The other dogma the State has attempted to implement, the more demonstrations and attacks it has faced from nationalist outlets, whether open, defiant or just implicit. The anger of the State over the connection between religion and revolt was not great. Buddhist monks and Taoist priests were once renowned for leading insurgency campaigns. Demonstrators against the throne continued to use monasteries as a secure haven. It was a compelling cause for 19th-century attempts to regulate Buddhist monasteries. It was simple enough to restrict the number of monks ordained and defrock any who did not meet the official requirements. But, with the traditional government’s limited resources, discouraging citizens from practicing religious existence in areas where they were not in the State was more difficult. This was the case with the Southwest’s frontier, a pioneered area for most of the nineteenth century, a meeting place for a variety of racial, racial, and religious communities, and therefore a suitable venue for the growth of heterodoxies.

Before the colonial period, Catholic priests were reluctant to convert South citizens for unexplained reasons. Most Catholics left northern Vietnam in the 1960s to South Vietnam or were Catholics during the French colonial period. The heterodox brand originated in the 19th century from the orthodox Vietnamese faith, a mixture of Buddhists, Taoists, Confucians, and animals. Since Buddhism and Taoism in some instances ruled Confucianism and a fundamentally opposed view of the world, heterodoxy and state religion differed. Confucianism was an optimistic philosophy at its heart; life was permissible, nature was kind (Lubienecki 1-21). The assumption that the emperor’s rule was benign and scientifically beneficial affected this opinion. On the other side, religious revolutionaries in Vietnam had a much bleaker perspective on humanity. Their situation was a perhaps doomsday scenario.

According to this hypothesis, a system of loops formed the cosmos. Both phases had cycles of development, decay, and destruction. Until death, disaster, and wickedness seize control, end-of-century catastrophic events such as a tsunami, a planetary conflagration, or a mega typhoon may arise. It consumes the entire world and cleans its darkness. Only the cheerful and innocent will remain when the poor have gone. The world’s strength will be rearranged in a contemporary ‘Heaven and Earth creation’ (tao thien lap dia), leading to a modern era of peace, abundance, and goodness. Maitreya period, controlled by the ancient Buddha Gautama, was thought to end and be replaced by our current age, governed by the ancient Buddha Gautama (Phan 19-35).

Maitreya was a respected figure in Vietnamese Buddhism. A giant monument can be found in Hue’s Heavenly Mother’s Temple. Until the nineteenth century, he was used as a figure of hope, not despair. In his Pure Land, he embodied Vietnamese Buddhists’ dreams for salvation and revival. Despite warnings of an impending disaster over the years, the Maitreya ideal was not linked to the apocalypse terror. However, a new religious movement arose in the 1950s, believing the future was imminent and all evil had to be eradicated. In a new millennium of peace and wealth, Buddha Maitreya would arrive. His descent in southwestern Vietnam would be in a rough hilly area along the Cambodian frontier (Lynn 40-56). During Maitreya’s rule, many citizens gathered for repentance and rebirth to nurture themselves and live a better existence. Buu Son Ky Huong, or Strange Mountain Fragrance, was the label of the contemporary religious movement. The name of the campaign was meant to allude to Maitreya’s upcoming appearance in the seven ranges of Chau Doc province, hence the notion of precious rock and his teaching of the new Buddhist philosophy, which believers likened to a peculiar odor.

Southwest Vietnam was a border territory with a tiny but vibrant population in the 1850s. At the turn of the century, a steady influx of Chinese and Cambodian indigenous immigrants entered the region, leaving the minority Vietnamese. People who came to Vietnam for a better future were among the Vietnamese. However, there were often defrocked monks from other regions and civilians banished to the frontier when their home country authorities declared them unfit. Traditional village associations have no firm foundations yet. Just a few showed that the Vietnamese citizens in this region were forced away from their cultural moorings.

For decades, Vietnam was subjected to various sects and theological beliefs owing to its refusal to condemn supernatural religions and ceremonies. World religions (Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, South Vietnam, Islam, and Hinduism, the latter two ethnic minority groups) and local worship forms (Caodaism, Hoa Hao Buddhism, Vó Vi Taoism, Lên Dong Cult, Shamanism, and other supernatural prayers) are all choices. Despite significant problems, religious life has become much simpler following economic and social opening in the 1990s. For many years, the Communist government tried to outlaw organized religion and forbade superstitious activities. Whatever religion they practice, most Vietnamese see faith as a way to live a holy existence, reconcile aggressive divine forces, and pursue help from benign spirits like their forefathers. “One religion is fine, but two religions are better.” This shows that many attractive refugees had set up icons and customs before fleeing Vietnam, which instructed them on how to recall where they were and how to respond to rapid political and social changes in the domestic, natural, and moral realms. Confucian ethics, for example, emphasizes parents’ duty to ensure their children get the highest quality education and has motivated many people to leave Vietnam. Under Communist law, their descendants were refused high school or college enrollment, meaning they had no opportunity to prosper. Confucianism was required to convince a Montreal resident to board a refugee flow ferry. In 1975, his family decided to stay in Saigon because he considered himself a nationalist. Nonetheless, he was so distressed by the non-Confucian disrespect for the deceased that he vowed to quit after promising to clear cemeteries and move his father’s remains to a secret crypt.

A Vietnamese Catholic physicist says the Lord made him know that he was worried for him, although not always a devoted churchgoer. The guy was re-educated after being recruited by the South Vietnamese government in 1975. And if there were no roses on the altar, he detected an elegant scent in a Saigon city’s Our Lady of Fatima sanctuary. He soon showed pleasure in visiting a Canadian squad and applied his name to the list of individuals eager to live with Canadian families. Consequently, the Holy Virgin’s intercession attributes the continuing life of the asylum.

Religion in the camps

If the refugees had left Vietnam, they would have kept religious beliefs that made sense given their former nightmare: a precarious sea trip for boat travelers, were sinking and pirate attempts were always a possibility, and often extended stay in a refugee camp, and an unavoidable migration to another nation. Many Vietnamese interviewees in Montreal believed that their religion had given them hope and peace during their trip and that the arrival of refugees had only added to their joy. Many of them credited their happier lives to the direct intervention of deities, bodhisattvas, saints, or God.

Since escaping the dangers of the sea, many refugees were devout Buddhists, Christians, or other religious adherents. As a product of God’s salvation, all of them were Christians. For instance, the man who met the “Lord of the Chinese Sea” before reaching the Philippines (see above) was a devout Catholic who converted to Buddhism after landing in Canada. Since the Holy Virgin was saved, a Buddhist family was converted to Catholicism.

Confidence, according to any refugees, acted as a counterbalance to the settlers’ lack of activity. “We placed a lot of trust in each other in the tent,” one man says. We couldn’t come up with anything better to do! “Festivals are organized to celebrate holy holidays,” says the shrine, which we visit twice a day. In addition to services and services, Buddhists and Catholics have partnered on several community outreach projects for children and young adults (NINH 49-82). The number of evangelical Christians increased significantly in both camps. Fundamentalist missionaries offered refugees a smoother transition in the United States, according to Montreal interviewees. This kind of evangelization appeals to poor, single men who have left Vietnam without their families and have found themselves isolated in the camps. Regardless of their origins, religious traditions and practices were essential in the lives of many refugees and served as a source of hope during their journey.

Religion after settlement of Vietnamese

Vietnamese refugees began their transition to a new life when they were placed in their resettlement countries (Nguyen 191-208). The refugees’ primary goal was to integrate economically, linguistically, and socially to better adapt to their new surroundings, which was a difficult challenge. Nonetheless, the Vietnamese began to organize their religious lives outside of Vietnam quite quickly. They could locate places where they could gather for worship soon after arriving in their host country, much as they had done in camps. Before the coming of the first wave of immigrants, it was better in places like France and certain areas of the United States, such as Washington, D.C., where thousands of Vietnamese immigrated to the West (Catholicism, Protestant churches, or the Bahai faith). However, with most worship forms, all Vietnamese refugee groups of any scale were finally able to construct their religious infrastructure (Keith 243-246). The bulk of the first wave of Vietnamese exiles in Montreal were leftist graduates or retired officials with advanced degrees. They usually spoke English and French, and many of them had already established a home with relatives. This exemplifies that religious involvement in this area began in 1975.

In addition to its psychological importance, religion has a significant impact on Vietnamese culture in other countries. It provides refugees and other Vietnamese immigrants with a structured set of mental images and activities to help them make sense of their lives and achieve peace in an otherwise chaotic environment. It’s also not shocking that religious values and customs can be quickly reactivated by relocating Vietnamese refugees’ spiritual values and traditions to other regions. Buddhists were reactivated to rebuild the pagodas and the national and foreign networks of other organizations. There has also been “Vietnamese” science, which refers to monks and laypeople from Vietnam. Since Buddhism is a traditional faith in many resettlement cities, such as Montreal, the Vietnamese refugees never visited Chinese, Japanese, or other Buddhist temples.

The importance of faith in maintaining one’s identity can explain why, after more than three decades, both Vietnamese and their children continue to worship in their temples and churches. Strangers are no longer welcome in the region. As a consequence, support and promotion organizations for relocations have either disappeared or modified their objectives. At least in Canada, Vietnamese Buddhists, Catholics, and other religious groups are prospering. After mainly assimilating into Western civilization, newcomers retain some of their initial values, cultural practices, and literary depictions, avoiding complete assimilation into North American cultures.

Conclusion

To conform to the western way of life, the Vietnamese have created a diverse collection of complex places of worship in other nations. These organizations have been active with the refugee movement for more than 30 years. For most Vietnamese refugees, limitations are known as migration, according to French folklorist Arnold Van Gennep. 15 The early years of the Communist regime in South Vietnam can be seen as a foreshadowing of the current order of potential refugees. Migration was a life-changing experience for people who did not belong to either country or political group and lived on the periphery of society. Finally, resettlement was intended to be a transitional measure that would eventually enable the Vietnamese to reintegrate into a foreign country. Passage rites were based on religious customs and rituals, ritualized or ceremonial events, and actions that ensured consistency between refugee gatherings before and after the departure. The fact that these transit rituals were observed and the long-term viability of the Vietnamese Overseas religious infrastructure shows that refugees are not just helpless casualties of uncontrollable incidents. Despite their various challenges, they had access to multiple organizations that could assist them in organizing their lives to meet their specific needs. Their religious convictions fuelled some of their influence, but they also reinforced and maintained those beliefs in their new countries (VINH 244-246). For all of these nations, this turned out to be a long-term blessing. Non-Asians, for example, visit the Vietnamese Buddhist temples and meditation centers in Montreal to learn the Buddha’s teachings. On the other hand, New Canadian Vietnamese priests are assigned to traditional Catholic parishes to replace the aged, allowing refugees to contribute to their host country in various ways.

Work cited

Bankston, Carl L. “Vietnamese-American Catholicism: Transplanted and Flourishing.” U.S. Catholic Historian 18, no. 1 (2000): 36-53. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/25154703Lynn, James T. “Memorandum to President Ford About Refugee Resettlement.” DocsTeach, June 20, 1975. https://www.docsteach.org/documents/document/memo-refugee-resettlementKeith, Charles. “Epilogue.: A National Church Divided.” In Catholic Vietnam: A Church from Empire to Nation, 242-248. University of California Press, 2012. Accessed April 14, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pptwf.14LÊ ESPIRITU, YẾN. “Vietnamese Refugees and Internet Memorials: When Does War End and Who Gets to Decide?” In Looking Back on the Vietnam War: Twenty-first-Century Perspectives, edited by BOYLE BRENDA M. and LIM JEEHYUN, 18-33. NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY; LONDON: Rutgers University Press, 2016. Accessed April 7, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/j.ctt1c3gx00.6NINH, THIEN-HUONG T. “Global Chain of Marianism: Diasporic Formation among Vietnamese Catholics in the United States and Cambodia.” Journal of Vietnamese Studies 12, no. 2 (2017): 49-82. Accessed April 15, 2021. https://0-www-jstor-org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/26377949Nguyen, Thao. “Quan Am and Mary: Vietnamese Religious, Cultural, and Spiritual Phenomena.” Buddhist-Christian Studies 37 (2017): 191-208. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/44632366Phan, Peter C. “Vietnamese Catholics in the United States: Christian Identity between the Old and the New.” U.S. Catholic Historian 18, no. 1 (2000): 19-35. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/25154702VINH, ALPHONSE. “Vietnamese.” In The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Volume 6: Ethnicity, edited by RAY CELESTE, by WILSON CHARLES REAGAN, 244-46. University of North Carolina Press, 2007. Accessed April 14, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/10.5149/9781469616582_ray.94.

NAME:

DATE:

UNIVERSITY:

PROFESSOR:

The role of religion in the migration of Vietnamese refugees

Introduction

The Chinese have ruled Vietnam for a long time. Even after it became an independent nation, it continued to model its institutions after those seen in China. This Sino-Vietnamese practice persisted until French colonialism in the twentieth century when the country was upgraded. Despite these changes, the Chinese culture seems to have affected the worldview and family lives of many Vietnamese. Taoism and Buddhism, a mixture of Confucianism, Taoism known as Tam Giao in Vietnamese, is the dominant religious philosophy and theology in Vietnam, including traditional China (“Three Teachings”). Confucianism is a social ethics theory named after the Confucian Chinese philosopher Confucius (551-479 BCE). It instills solid morals and the importance of maintaining harmony at all levels of society, including the state, village, family, and individuals. Confucianism is described through the love or worship of ancestors, passed on to children through respectful behavior. Most Vietnamese households create a permanent or temporary altar with fruit, wine, and flowers with portraits of deceased relatives during the lunar New Year and the death anniversary of male ancestors (Bankston 36-53). The family gathers for a communal meal after everybody has prostrated before the altar. Ancestral worship is based on the fact that the family remains together until death. It is believed that an individual’s deceased parents and ancestors are family members. They would grant their lineage protection if they are honored and prayed for.

Lao Tzu, a Chinese philosopher who lived in the sixth century BCE and established Taoism, is credited as a cosmologist. It teaches that for the universe to work correctly, two fundamental ideals must be matched. The duong is violent, humid, and light, while the âm (Yin) is quiet, dark, and inert. Food, which strikes a balance between “cool” and “hot” cooking and conventional Chinese-Vietnamese medicine, follows Taoist harmony principles in everyday life. Astrology’s geomancy and Taoism’s Feng Shui are often mentioned.

Confucianism takes priority since it is fundamental to Vietnamese family and cultural values, and all three aspects of Tam Giao are inextricably intertwined and influenced over time. This means that those who practice Confucian ethics, respect their ancestry, and revere their ancestors would not be chastised whether they believe in supernatural powers, religious views, or a belief in existence after death. This helps explain why the 10% of Vietnamese Catholics see a slight conflict between Christian morality and Confucian teaching and why Communist officials worship war heroes or the late President Hô Chi Minh regularly (Phan 19-35).

Religious vehicles in the Vietnam Migration

In Buddhism, was used for maintaining doctrine was commonly used. It entailed monitoring doctrinal examinations and clergy ordinations to exercise legislative jurisdiction over a Buddhist priesthood structure and duration. It consisted of restricting the number of temples that could be built and the amount of land given away. Taoist priests were not well-coordinated or dedicated to this mode of power. The other dogma the State has attempted to implement, the more demonstrations and attacks it has faced from nationalist outlets, whether open, defiant or just implicit. The anger of the State over the connection between religion and revolt was not great. Buddhist monks and Taoist priests were once renowned for leading insurgency campaigns. Demonstrators against the throne continued to use monasteries as a secure haven. It was a compelling cause for 19th-century attempts to regulate Buddhist monasteries. It was simple enough to restrict the number of monks ordained and defrock any who did not meet the official requirements. But, with the traditional government’s limited resources, discouraging citizens from practicing religious existence in areas where they were not in the State was more difficult. This was the case with the Southwest’s frontier, a pioneered area for most of the nineteenth century, a meeting place for a variety of racial, racial, and religious communities, and therefore a suitable venue for the growth of heterodoxies.

Before the colonial period, Catholic priests were reluctant to convert South citizens for unexplained reasons. Most Catholics left northern Vietnam in the 1960s to South Vietnam or were Catholics during the French colonial period. The heterodox brand originated in the 19th century from the orthodox Vietnamese faith, a mixture of Buddhists, Taoists, Confucians, and animals. Since Buddhism and Taoism in some instances ruled Confucianism and a fundamentally opposed view of the world, heterodoxy and state religion differed. Confucianism was an optimistic philosophy at its heart; life was permissible, nature was kind (Lubienecki 1-21). The assumption that the emperor’s rule was benign and scientifically beneficial affected this opinion. On the other side, religious revolutionaries in Vietnam had a much bleaker perspective on humanity. Their situation was a perhaps doomsday scenario.

According to this hypothesis, a system of loops formed the cosmos. Both phases had cycles of development, decay, and destruction. Until death, disaster, and wickedness seize control, end-of-century catastrophic events such as a tsunami, a planetary conflagration, or a mega typhoon may arise. It consumes the entire world and cleans its darkness. Only the cheerful and innocent will remain when the poor have gone. The world’s strength will be rearranged in a contemporary ‘Heaven and Earth creation’ (tao thien lap dia), leading to a modern era of peace, abundance, and goodness. Maitreya period, controlled by the ancient Buddha Gautama, was thought to end and be replaced by our current age, governed by the ancient Buddha Gautama (Phan 19-35).

Maitreya was a respected figure in Vietnamese Buddhism. A giant monument can be found in Hue’s Heavenly Mother’s Temple. Until the nineteenth century, he was used as a figure of hope, not despair. In his Pure Land, he embodied Vietnamese Buddhists’ dreams for salvation and revival. Despite warnings of an impending disaster over the years, the Maitreya ideal was not linked to the apocalypse terror. However, a new religious movement arose in the 1950s, believing the future was imminent and all evil had to be eradicated. In a new millennium of peace and wealth, Buddha Maitreya would arrive. His descent in southwestern Vietnam would be in a rough hilly area along the Cambodian frontier (Lynn 40-56). During Maitreya’s rule, many citizens gathered for repentance and rebirth to nurture themselves and live a better existence. Buu Son Ky Huong, or Strange Mountain Fragrance, was the label of the contemporary religious movement. The name of the campaign was meant to allude to Maitreya’s upcoming appearance in the seven ranges of Chau Doc province, hence the notion of precious rock and his teaching of the new Buddhist philosophy, which believers likened to a peculiar odor.

Southwest Vietnam was a border territory with a tiny but vibrant population in the 1850s. At the turn of the century, a steady influx of Chinese and Cambodian indigenous immigrants entered the region, leaving the minority Vietnamese. People who came to Vietnam for a better future were among the Vietnamese. However, there were often defrocked monks from other regions and civilians banished to the frontier when their home country authorities declared them unfit. Traditional village associations have no firm foundations yet. Just a few showed that the Vietnamese citizens in this region were forced away from their cultural moorings.

For decades, Vietnam was subjected to various sects and theological beliefs owing to its refusal to condemn supernatural religions and ceremonies. World religions (Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, South Vietnam, Islam, and Hinduism, the latter two ethnic minority groups) and local worship forms (Caodaism, Hoa Hao Buddhism, Vó Vi Taoism, Lên Dong Cult, Shamanism, and other supernatural prayers) are all choices. Despite significant problems, religious life has become much simpler following economic and social opening in the 1990s. For many years, the Communist government tried to outlaw organized religion and forbade superstitious activities. Whatever religion they practice, most Vietnamese see faith as a way to live a holy existence, reconcile aggressive divine forces, and pursue help from benign spirits like their forefathers. “One religion is fine, but two religions are better.” This shows that many attractive refugees had set up icons and customs before fleeing Vietnam, which instructed them on how to recall where they were and how to respond to rapid political and social changes in the domestic, natural, and moral realms. Confucian ethics, for example, emphasizes parents’ duty to ensure their children get the highest quality education and has motivated many people to leave Vietnam. Under Communist law, their descendants were refused high school or college enrollment, meaning they had no opportunity to prosper. Confucianism was required to convince a Montreal resident to board a refugee flow ferry. In 1975, his family decided to stay in Saigon because he considered himself a nationalist. Nonetheless, he was so distressed by the non-Confucian disrespect for the deceased that he vowed to quit after promising to clear cemeteries and move his father’s remains to a secret crypt.

A Vietnamese Catholic physicist says the Lord made him know that he was worried for him, although not always a devoted churchgoer. The guy was re-educated after being recruited by the South Vietnamese government in 1975. And if there were no roses on the altar, he detected an elegant scent in a Saigon city’s Our Lady of Fatima sanctuary. He soon showed pleasure in visiting a Canadian squad and applied his name to the list of individuals eager to live with Canadian families. Consequently, the Holy Virgin’s intercession attributes the continuing life of the asylum.

Religion in the camps

If the refugees had left Vietnam, they would have kept religious beliefs that made sense given their former nightmare: a precarious sea trip for boat travelers, were sinking and pirate attempts were always a possibility, and often extended stay in a refugee camp, and an unavoidable migration to another nation. Many Vietnamese interviewees in Montreal believed that their religion had given them hope and peace during their trip and that the arrival of refugees had only added to their joy. Many of them credited their happier lives to the direct intervention of deities, bodhisattvas, saints, or God.

Since escaping the dangers of the sea, many refugees were devout Buddhists, Christians, or other religious adherents. As a product of God’s salvation, all of them were Christians. For instance, the man who met the “Lord of the Chinese Sea” before reaching the Philippines (see above) was a devout Catholic who converted to Buddhism after landing in Canada. Since the Holy Virgin was saved, a Buddhist family was converted to Catholicism.

Confidence, according to any refugees, acted as a counterbalance to the settlers’ lack of activity. “We placed a lot of trust in each other in the tent,” one man says. We couldn’t come up with anything better to do! “Festivals are organized to celebrate holy holidays,” says the shrine, which we visit twice a day. In addition to services and services, Buddhists and Catholics have partnered on several community outreach projects for children and young adults (NINH 49-82). The number of evangelical Christians increased significantly in both camps. Fundamentalist missionaries offered refugees a smoother transition in the United States, according to Montreal interviewees. This kind of evangelization appeals to poor, single men who have left Vietnam without their families and have found themselves isolated in the camps. Regardless of their origins, religious traditions and practices were essential in the lives of many refugees and served as a source of hope during their journey.

Religion after settlement of Vietnamese

Vietnamese refugees began their transition to a new life when they were placed in their resettlement countries (Nguyen 191-208). The refugees’ primary goal was to integrate economically, linguistically, and socially to better adapt to their new surroundings, which was a difficult challenge. Nonetheless, the Vietnamese began to organize their religious lives outside of Vietnam quite quickly. They could locate places where they could gather for worship soon after arriving in their host country, much as they had done in camps. Before the coming of the first wave of immigrants, it was better in places like France and certain areas of the United States, such as Washington, D.C., where thousands of Vietnamese immigrated to the West (Catholicism, Protestant churches, or the Bahai faith). However, with most worship forms, all Vietnamese refugee groups of any scale were finally able to construct their religious infrastructure (Keith 243-246). The bulk of the first wave of Vietnamese exiles in Montreal were leftist graduates or retired officials with advanced degrees. They usually spoke English and French, and many of them had already established a home with relatives. This exemplifies that religious involvement in this area began in 1975.

In addition to its psychological importance, religion has a significant impact on Vietnamese culture in other countries. It provides refugees and other Vietnamese immigrants with a structured set of mental images and activities to help them make sense of their lives and achieve peace in an otherwise chaotic environment. It’s also not shocking that religious values and customs can be quickly reactivated by relocating Vietnamese refugees’ spiritual values and traditions to other regions. Buddhists were reactivated to rebuild the pagodas and the national and foreign networks of other organizations. There has also been “Vietnamese” science, which refers to monks and laypeople from Vietnam. Since Buddhism is a traditional faith in many resettlement cities, such as Montreal, the Vietnamese refugees never visited Chinese, Japanese, or other Buddhist temples.

The importance of faith in maintaining one’s identity can explain why, after more than three decades, both Vietnamese and their children continue to worship in their temples and churches. Strangers are no longer welcome in the region. As a consequence, support and promotion organizations for relocations have either disappeared or modified their objectives. At least in Canada, Vietnamese Buddhists, Catholics, and other religious groups are prospering. After mainly assimilating into Western civilization, newcomers retain some of their initial values, cultural practices, and literary depictions, avoiding complete assimilation into North American cultures.

Conclusion

To conform to the western way of life, the Vietnamese have created a diverse collection of complex places of worship in other nations. These organizations have been active with the refugee movement for more than 30 years. For most Vietnamese refugees, limitations are known as migration, according to French folklorist Arnold Van Gennep. 15 The early years of the Communist regime in South Vietnam can be seen as a foreshadowing of the current order of potential refugees. Migration was a life-changing experience for people who did not belong to either country or political group and lived on the periphery of society. Finally, resettlement was intended to be a transitional measure that would eventually enable the Vietnamese to reintegrate into a foreign country. Passage rites were based on religious customs and rituals, ritualized or ceremonial events, and actions that ensured consistency between refugee gatherings before and after the departure. The fact that these transit rituals were observed and the long-term viability of the Vietnamese Overseas religious infrastructure shows that refugees are not just helpless casualties of uncontrollable incidents. Despite their various challenges, they had access to multiple organizations that could assist them in organizing their lives to meet their specific needs. Their religious convictions fuelled some of their influence, but they also reinforced and maintained those beliefs in their new countries (VINH 244-246). For all of these nations, this turned out to be a long-term blessing. Non-Asians, for example, visit the Vietnamese Buddhist temples and meditation centers in Montreal to learn the Buddha’s teachings. On the other hand, New Canadian Vietnamese priests are assigned to traditional Catholic parishes to replace the aged, allowing refugees to contribute to their host country in various ways.

Work cited

Bankston, Carl L. “Vietnamese-American Catholicism: Transplanted and Flourishing.” U.S. Catholic Historian 18, no. 1 (2000): 36-53. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/25154703Lynn, James T. “Memorandum to President Ford About Refugee Resettlement.” DocsTeach, June 20, 1975. https://www.docsteach.org/documents/document/memo-refugee-resettlementKeith, Charles. “Epilogue.: A National Church Divided.” In Catholic Vietnam: A Church from Empire to Nation, 242-248. University of California Press, 2012. Accessed April 14, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pptwf.14LÊ ESPIRITU, YẾN. “Vietnamese Refugees and Internet Memorials: When Does War End and Who Gets to Decide?” In Looking Back on the Vietnam War: Twenty-first-Century Perspectives, edited by BOYLE BRENDA M. and LIM JEEHYUN, 18-33. NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY; LONDON: Rutgers University Press, 2016. Accessed April 7, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/j.ctt1c3gx00.6NINH, THIEN-HUONG T. “Global Chain of Marianism: Diasporic Formation among Vietnamese Catholics in the United States and Cambodia.” Journal of Vietnamese Studies 12, no. 2 (2017): 49-82. Accessed April 15, 2021. https://0-www-jstor-org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/26377949Nguyen, Thao. “Quan Am and Mary: Vietnamese Religious, Cultural, and Spiritual Phenomena.” Buddhist-Christian Studies 37 (2017): 191-208. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/44632366Phan, Peter C. “Vietnamese Catholics in the United States: Christian Identity between the Old and the New.” U.S. Catholic Historian 18, no. 1 (2000): 19-35. Accessed April 15, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/25154702VINH, ALPHONSE. “Vietnamese.” In The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Volume 6: Ethnicity, edited by RAY CELESTE, by WILSON CHARLES REAGAN, 244-46. University of North Carolina Press, 2007. Accessed April 14, 2021. http://0-www.jstor.org.library.lemoyne.edu/stable/10.5149/9781469616582_ray.94.